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"9/11 'terrorism,' 'root causes' and all that: Policy implications of the socio-cultural argument" by Denis Stairs An examination of the commonly proposed ”root causes” that drove Osama bin Laden and his circle to terrorism—the American military presence in Saudi Arabia, Israeli activity in Gaza and the West Bank, radical Muslim distaste for the secular and liberal nature of Western culture—unfortunately do not lend themselves to politically tolerable solutions. The war against terrorism will demand increased efforts in intelligence and analysis to better “understand” the perpetrators. It will be necessary to fill these gaps through the hiring and training of personnel. "Les événements du 11 septembre : Qu'avons-nous appris ?" by Albert Legault The events of September 11 have considerably changed the way the leading powers of the world look at radical movements and terrorism. The extremist threat is now taken seriously, terrorism is considered an act of war, and the fight against terrorism has become the main focus of U.S. foreign policy. However, with its monopoly on violence, the state has actually been reinforced by this tragedy, and it is through the state that efforts of dissuasion and prevention and any intervention must be made. The anti-terrorism battle will require action to be highly coordinated both domestically and internationally and must avoid any possible excesses in terms of strategy, immigration policy or infringement of human rights. "September 11, 2001-September 11, 2002" by Don Macnamara Though Canada has re-established a sense of equilibrium following the attacks on New York and Washington, the United States still perceives a real threat from international terrorism. Actions the American government takes to counter that threat, in managing intelligence, border controls and anti-terrorist actions, preview a significant role for Canada. Should Canada abstain from these plans, they will likely go ahead regardless, but with a detrimental effect on Canada’s economy and its ability to fully profit from its national sovereignty. "A dangerously shrinking public sphere" by Alain-G. Gagnon Security concerns threaten to override legitimate public debate and dialogue. The space to consider political questions of a controversial nature is being narrowed by some aspects of the response to September 11, including a tendency to further centralize the Canadian federation. Open debate concerning the future path of Quebec, or the use of the powers possessed by its government, could be circumscribed by this tendency. "Interdependence, globalization and North American borders" by George Haynal The Canada/U.S. border is becoming less relevant as a tool to ensure the security of those living on either side, a fact emphasized by the attacks on Washington and New York last year. Rather, Canada and the United States should downgrade the “inner” border in favour of improving the regulatory and infrastructure environment to better deal with new issues affecting their common frontiers, issues that even question the modern conception of a national border. "Defending against the apocalypse: The limits of homeland security" by Michael Barkun The new war against terrorism creates a need for a new public and governmental perception of, and response to, catastrophic events. Measures to confront international terrorism often combine elements of disaster management and armed conflict. The mixture of emergency response and military effort, and the idea of fighting an ongoing, open-ended “war,” all within constitutional and democratic strictures, presents a challenge for today's governments and citizens. "The Safe Third Country Agreement: Innovative solution or proven problem?" by Kemi Jacobs The recently drafted Safe Third Country Agreement ensures that asylum-seekers who request Canada’s protection at the U.S.-Canada border will now be denied the opportunity to even present their claim to Canadian officials. The new procedure is likely to create bureaucratic inefficiencies and lead to an increase in human smuggling. Canada’s obligations to refugees under international law may go unmet. At the same time, it is not even clear that the objectives of the agreement will be achieved—recent experiences in Europe with similar agreements suggest that this accord may aggravate the problems it is trying to solve. "A defense of the 'safe country' concept for refugees" by James Bissett Canada in recent years has in place generous regulations regarding asylum-seekers, but pressure from interest groups has convinced the government to loosen them still further. Consequently, Canada now spends great amounts of money to maintain a system for claimants in this country, though the funds could do greater good aiding refugees under the jurisdiction of international programs. The Safe Third Country Agreement is a necessary change from this situation, ending the practice of helping individuals settle in Canada who claim asylum from ostensible persecution by states such as the United States, Switzerland and the Netherlands. "Violence as a tool of order and change: The war on terrorism and the anti-globalization movement" by Leo Panitch New anti-terrorism measures implemented in North America may or may not head off further attacks. These new laws certainly provide great leverage, however, to gradually criminalize legitimate dissent, particularly the activities of the antiglobalization movement. Canada, following the lead of the United States, has taken advantage of current insecurity to make conditions easier for multinational corporations, and harder for citizens seeking to exercise their democratic rights in opposing them. "Finding the right balance" by Reid Morden Canada's initial efforts against terrorism were hampered by an inadequate patchwork of laws covering such crimes, which the government sought to correct with the quick passage of Bill C-36. However, this bill—which begins with a vague, open definition of terrorism and gives unprecedented discretion to certain government officials—goes even further than its American and British counterparts in giving government the powers to fight terror. The likely result will be an impairment of the right to legitimate protest. "The recriminalization of dissent" by Tony Clarke While the attacks of 9/11 were bound to result in new anti-terrorism legislation in Canada, the proposed changes went far beyond what is needed. Rather, the government introduced legislation that gives law enforcement intrusive new powers, and the wherewithal to detain a person as a criminal solely on the basis of ideology. This is all part of a transnational trend, which predated the attacks, toward outlawing dissent against the globalized “new world order.” "Quebec City and the summits of 2001: Priority on people, concern for freedoms" by Luci Tremblay While many police agencies have the high-profile task of protecting participants in multinational summits, officials with the host city must work with toward different priorities—minimizing the disruption the meetings cause in the daily lives of the city’s population. Quebec City faced a particular challenge in ensuring the security and the liberties of its residents during the Summit of the Americas last year, given the violent nature of recent protests and a provocative security perimeter. Officials found a measure of success in working with activists to find a variety of means for dissenters to express their opinions; the city supported the alternative World Social Forum, and accommodated protestors of many different ideologies. These steps can be credited with offering many activists non-violent forums to express their opinions and averting the worst excesses of previous summits. "Protest movements and democracy" by Alan Borovoy Laws concerning public protest give police on the scene a large amount of discretion, which can affect the visibility and influence of demonstrations. Security forces are often restricted only by vague limitations that allow decision-makers on the ground wide latitude in restricting the freedoms of protestors. Past experiences give little reason to hope that this discretion will be used sparingly, and regulations under consideration in the prevalent anti-terrorism environment, such as the proposed Bill C-35, will likely worsen the situation. "Les mouvements d'opposition à la libéralisation extrême des marchés dans les Amériques : l'état des lieux" by Dorval Brunelle Since it first took root, the opposition to freer trade in North America has grown in leaps and bounds. The strength of the movement and its ability to transcend national borders became apparent in the wake of NAFTA and plans to create the Free Trade Area of the Americas, with the setup of the Hemispheric Social Alliance, the organization of peoples’ summits, and the meeting of the World Social Forum. Yet in order to meet its goals with greater success, the movement must overcome two hurdles—its gender, ethnic, and geographic representativeness on the one hand and its coordination on the hemispheric and global levels on the other. Finally, to avoid indefinitely putting off action in the name of consensus, the principle of strategic autonomy must apply. "Why was Calgary so quiet?" by Doug Firby Security forces in Calgary prepared for the 2002 G8 summit in nearby Kananaskis with an eye toward avoiding a repeat of the chaotic scenes from similar meetings in Seattle, Genoa and Quebec City. In the end, there was no violence to speak of when thousands of protestors arrived to voice their opinion during the summit. An impressive show of force (which some activists said intimidated would-be demonstrators) and a promise to get tough on law-breakers, combined with outreach efforts on the part of the police, went a long way to keeping the city peaceful and calm. |
