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Kent Weaver, "A Hybrid Electoral System for Canada" A hybrid electoral system specifically tailored to Canadian conditions can successfully marry the Westminster-style parliamentary system's concern for stable single-party majority government with the representational concerns of more proportional systems. The author would increase the number of seats in the House of Commons by 10 percent, with those seats distributed among the provinces according to population. Priority in awarding the additional seats would go to the party that finishes first in nationwide vote until giving that party another compensation seat would take its provincial seat share over that of its provincial vote share, at which point it passes to the second party in national vote share, then the third largest. Henry Milner, "The Case for Proportional Representation" The author advocates a German-style system recently adopted in New Zealand and known as MMP (mixed-member proportional). Had it been in place for the last two Canadian federal elections, the results would have been less regionalized and more closely reflective of the popular vote. Because it would have made coalitions necessary to form a government, MPP would have moved government toward moderation, encouraging intelligent compromises based on the informed wishes of the majority. Thérèse Arseneault, "The Representation of Women and Aboriginals Under PR: The author assesses whether Proportional Representation is likely to increase representation of Women and Aboriginal peoples in Canada's House of Commons, with special reference to New Zealand where a form of PR was recently adopted. Vincent Lemieux, "Le Vote Unique Transférable" Three objectives should govern electoral reform in Canada. A new electoral system should provide more equitable treatment of the different political parties and regions within the country. It should be designed to suit Canada's unique geographic characteristics, and there should be some continuity with our current electoral system. The electoral system that best meets these criteria, according to the author, is the single transferable vote. Nelson Wiseman, "Skeptical Reflections on Proportional Representation" Various alternative electoral rules, including the single transferable vote and multi-member constituencies, have already been in operation in different parts of Canada. That experience is not supportive of the case some are making for change of electoral rules. Those making the case for reforms often downplay the importance of institutional and other broader electoral factors which influence how we are governed, and which have made Canada a very successful democracy. Jean-Pierre Derriennic, "Un systeme électoral adapté aux besoins du Canada" The author proposes that Canada adopt a combination of the single transferable vote with a moderate form of proportional representation. Voters would indicate their preferences over the full slate of candidates. Instead of 301 House of Commons consitutencies, each with one Member, there would be 100 three-Member constituencies. This system would maintain many of the advantages, and overcome many of the disadvantages of the current system. Pierre Lortie, "A Minimalist Electoral Reform Agenda" Our current system possesses many qualities that are often overlooked by reform advocates. While Proportional Representation might bring certain advantages, those gains do not justify the disruptions that would invariably follow such a profound transformation of our electoral system. This does not mean our current system cannot be improved. The author outlines a minimalist reform agenda. John C. Courtney, "Electoral Reform and the Role of National Parties" Electoral behaviour of parties and voters is the product of countless linkages, bargains and anticipated payoffs that are constructed within the framework of a particular institution. In response our first-past-the-post electoral system, Canada's two older parties have demonstrated an ability to accommodate and respond to the country's social and regional character. In considering alternative electoral systems, we need to assess how well the country's interest would be served by a change that could lead parties to eschew a pan-Canadian electoral strategy in favour of a more limited and tactical deployment of resources and personnel. Christopher Kam, "PR: A Political Shibboleth?" The problem with most forms of PR is that they create a gap between the election result and the composition of the government. This democratic insufficiency makes PR elections less effective at disciplining politicians and further removes voters from participating in the formation of their governments. Peter Aucoin and Jennifer Smith, "Proportional Representation: Misrepresenting Equality" Although certain notions of equality are clearly compromised by our current electoral system, the problems would not be solved by switching to PR. The equality slogan implies a mistaken understanding of the operation of PR within parliamentary systems and is therefore a poor way to defend it. If we are to move in the direction of a proportional electoral system, we need to proceed with a realistic understanding of the political dynamics inherent in the formation of governments within the parliamentary system under PR. C. E. S. Franks, "Free Votes in the House of Commons: A Problematic Reform" Free votes are relatively rare in the Canadian Parliamentary system. Experience with them does not suggest that they can, or should, become more important. At the same time, the individual member is the weakest link in the processes of representation in Canada, and looser party discipline might well be one of the roads to a stronger Parliament. Pierre F. Côté, "L'argent et la réforme électorale" The rules governing financing of elections must ensure that control over the results of elections remains with voters and not with financial interests. Although Quebec's laws, in this regard, go further than those in most other provinces in promoting equity and transparency in the financing of elections, the author suggests a number of refinements that would improve Quebec's laws on election financing. R. Kenneth Carty, "Electoral Reform Should Begin with the Senate" Anyone genuinely interested in electoral reform ought to start with the Senate. It wouldn't interfere with voters' electoral choice of governments but it would provide for a more representative parliament. It wouldn't weaken national governments but it would respond to regional claims on the centre. It wouldn't be an institutional leap in the dark but it would allow us to create a healthy new parliamentary dynamic. Scott Gilbreath, "Low Income Cut-Offs Versus Poverty Measures" Statistics Canada's Low Income Cut Offs are regularly interpreted as measures of poverty despite the fact that there are very serious problems with the LICO as a measure of poverty. The LICO misrepresents poverty. It does not contribute to insightful public debate and development of appropriate policy initiatives.Statistics Canada could end this misapprehension and confusion if it were to produce a true poverty measure. Aron Spector, "Regressive Implications of Federal Withdrawal from Social Housing" Ottawa has recently withdrawn its support from social housing, ostensibly as part of its effort to gets it finances under control. However, the many tax benefits associated with home ownership remain in place. In effect, lower-income Canadians that have relied on social housing have been asked to bear a disproportionate share of Ottawa's deficit cutting. Guy Laforest, "Réflexion sur la nature du Canada" Sorry, but the summary of this article is not available. |
