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"Memo to the White House: burden-sharing requires decision-sharing" by Brian Mulroney There can be no progress in international affairs without American engagement and leadership, asserts the former Canadian prime minister in a major address at the George H.W. Bush Library in Texas. But neither can America lead alone. “Burdensharing,” Brian Mulroney asserts, “requires decision-sharing.” But the structures of the United Nations were designed for another era, and multilateralism needs to account of the realities of the post 9/11 world. Mulroney sees the UN as “a sheriff without a police force” and calls for a second San Francisco Conference “to establish new multilateral approaches that respect the basic principles of the UN Charter.” "Ce soir-là, à Québec, sur le toit du bunker" by Gil Rémillard In this exclusive article, prepared from notes taken when he was professor of constitutional law and minister of justice and intergovernmental affairs in Robert Bourassa’s government, Gil Rémillard relates the events that led to the adoption of Bill 178 in 1988, which forbade the use of English on exterior commercial signs until 1993, when it was replaced by Bill 86. This episode illustrates how the decision to use the notwithstanding clause can cause searing tensions within the ministerial team and have serious political repercussions. The use of the notwithstanding clause made it possible to maintain social peace in Quebec but it also contributed to the failure of the Meech Lake Accord and had a negative impact on Quebec’s international image. "The democratic deficit: should this be Paul Martin's next Big Idea?" by Thomas S. Axworthy After successfully erasing Canada’s fiscal deficit as finance minister, Paul Martin has identified “the democratic deficit” as one of the most urgent issues as he becomes prime minister. Thomas Axworthy, Chairman of the Centre for the Study of Democracy at Queen’s University, agrees that Martin has identified three critical issues — low election turnouts by a disengaged public, a lack of accountability in government and relevance of Parliament, and the need for international governance in a globalized economy. Axworthy, himself a former principal secretary to a prime minister, offers some pertinent suggestions on how Martin might flesh out his ideas for eliminating the democratic deficit. "Ce que l'on attend de Paul Martin" by Jean Paré The reform of democratic institutions, dear to Paul Martin, is the mother of all reforms, says Jean Paré, former editor of L’actualité. It is not merely one priority among others, and it should be achieved before all other projects the new prime minister may be planning. Popular skepticism toward the political process is presently such that if it is not defeated by means of judicious reforms, measures in the health care, municipal or any other realms run the risk of passing unnoticed, or worse, feeding the general disaffection. Moreover, restoring the confidence of the electorate will require more than just a new voting procedure, because adopting proportional representation, which is currently very popular, will not by itself remedy the “democratic deficit.” The author presents various measures that might restore life to our languishing electoral system. "Paul Martin : le retour de la tradition pearsonienne ?" by Alain-G. Gagnon The departure of Jean Chrétien and the arrival of Paul Martin might herald the dawning of a more conciliatory liberal tradition in intergovernmental relations, the one established by former prime minister Lester B. Pearson, writes Alain-G. Gagnon. Like his predecessors, Paul Martin will undoubtedly want to make his mark as prime minister, and “constitutional reconciliation might be very tempting, especially if it has the effect of eclipsing the achievements of the Trudeau-Chrétien duo,” says Gagnon. But nothing is less certain, because in this dossier, as in many others, Paul Martin remains an enigma. In fact, the international sphere and the respositioning of Canada in the world may be less fraught as a arena on which to leave his imprint. It would notably allow him to continue with the projects he undertook as finance minister: the reform of international financial institutions, the elimination of the debts of the world’s poorest countries, and the international regulation of financial markets. Here as well, the heritage of Lester B. Pearson could be employed to advantage. "Paul Martin and cities: show us the money" by Andrew Sancton and Robert Young Paul Martin has promises to keep to Canada’s cities. Calling for a New Deal for Canadian cities, Martin has promised about $2.5 billion in new funding or tax relief for the census metropolitan areas, where nearly two-thirds of Canadians now live. But while there are no constitutional limits on federal spending power in areas of exclusive provincial jurisdiction, there is the constitution itself, which reserves cities and towns as creatures of the provinces. “Here, the provinces are jealous of their jurisdiction,” write Andrew Sancton and Bob Young of University of Western Ontario. “They restrict municipalities from entering into direct arrangements with Ottawa.” For their part, however, most mayors would say: show me the money. Martin has also proposed that cities be invited to a First Ministers’ Conference. “Giving a voice to the mayors of Vancouver and Toronto is one thing,” they write, “but what about Surrey and Mississauga?” They conclude: “Ottawa has such problems that implementation issues will certainly circumscribe and probably dictate the nature of the policy that will be decided.” "From Paul Martin père to fils - kicking around the political football of health care" by Antonia Maioni Kicking around the political football of health care has been a metaphor of choice since Paul Martin, Sr., was health minister half a century ago. In his first event as Liberal leader, Paul Martin kicked it around with the premiers at a real football game — the Grey Cup in Regina on November 16. Following the Kirby and Romanow reports last year, Canadians witnessed political gamesmanship over the establishment of the Health Council in February’s Health Accord, requiring provincial accountability for new federal funds. McGill’s Antonia Maioni suggests the new Council of the Federation might provide a forum for a more productive dialogue over policy rather than merely wrangling over money. “As the debate over the fiscal imbalance suggests,” she writes, “we are still at square one of the perennial conundrum of Canadian federalism: how to resolve the jurisdictional autonomy with the fiscal capacity of the federal government.” "The Potemkin village of Canadian foreign policy" by Bill Dymond and Michael Hart Canadian foreign policy over the past decade resembles the false fronts of the Potemkin village, proclaiming empty statements of “Canadian values” and nostalgic portrayals of Canada as a middle power in a world that no longer exists, the bi-polar era of the Cold War, when Canada played an important intermediary role between the United States and its NATO partners in the Atlantic alliance. Today’s challenge is a rather different one, note Bill Dymond and Michael Hart, two of Canada’s preeminent authorities on foreign affairs and international trade. It is the context of Canada’s relationship with the “hyperpower,” the US, in the situational sense of the world after September 11, 2001, and in the bilateral framework of “deepening economic integration” between the world’s two largest trading partners. As prime minister, they suggest, Paul Martin has an opportunity to move Canada beyond the Potemkin village of foreign policy to a setting that not only recognizes the new realities that limit Canada’s margin of maneuver, but also offers possibilities for new Canadian leadership that will recapture its influence with Washington and its historic role of explaining the world to the US and the US to the world. "Canada-US relations: the risk of complacency, the need for engagement" by Derek H. Burney The transfer of power from one prime minister to the next affords an overdue opportunity for Canada to re-engage its most important relationship — that with the United States — suggests Canada’s former ambassador to Washington. A lack of engagement with the US leads only to irrelevance in Washington, writes Derek Burney. Beyond managing the bilateral relationship, a key goal of Canadian foreign policy has always been to encourage the US to pursue multilateral objectives — at the UN, in NATO and elsewhere — that serve Canada’s purpose as well as their own. The number of issues that need to be constructively addressed range from missile defence and North American security to the environment and global warming, to say nothing of the world’s biggest trading partnership. “We ignore a systematic and broadly based network of engagement with the Americans at our peril,” he warns. Nothing, he adds, “could be more damaging” to Canada’s relations with the US “than the absence of engagement and the silence of irrelevance.” "Canada's place in the world - from one prime minister to the next" by Richard Gwyn Defining Canada’s role is the world will be one of Paul Martin’s major challenges as prime minister. The world as defined after the fall of the Berlin Wall has been redefined since the fall of the Twin Towers. How does Canada promote a multilateralist world view while the Americans pursue a policy of unilateralism, from Iraq to global warming? How does Canada regain its role as interlocutor of America to the world when the Americans are deaf or, worse, indifferent to our advice? One thing is certain, writes Toronto Star columnist Richard Gwyn, and that is any road toward a new Canadian foreign policy passes through Washington. Gwyn, who has written about foreign affairs in the Trudeau, Mulroney and Chrétien years, looks ahead to the era of Paul Martin. "Finding a way: national security and defence policy for a new Liberal leadership" by Scot Robertson Paul Martin assumes the leadership of the Liberal party, and the country, at a critical crossroads for Canadian defence policy. After decades of decline under previous governments, and a decade of neglect under the Chrétien government, Canada’s armed forces are desperately understrength and underequipped, while the Canadian conceit of a peacekeeping vocation has been sadly overtaken by events. Not only are the forces rusting out, defence policy is itself obsolete. “A foreign policy built on platitudes and Canadian conceits may be comforting,” writes Scot Robertson of the Royal Military College, “but it will not, as recent events have made manifestly clear, ensure the protection and promotion of our strategic interests.” It’s time for new thinking, to redefine the mission in such a manner as to adequately address the threat of terrorism and other forces of global instability. "From talking the talk to walking the walk - the challenge of improving Canadian air quality" by John Roberts and Christopher Jones As environment critic for the opposition Liberals from 1991 to 1993, Paul Martin was an articulate and effective proponent of sustainable development. Canada faced an environmental deficit, he said then, even more serious than the fiscal deficit that was later erased on his watch as finance minister. “The environment,” he said, “must be the basis of everything we do.” The environmental situation has worsened over the last decade, notably with regard to greenhouse gas emissions, largely caused by cars and trucks. As Martin becomes prime minister, a business-as-usual attitude will not do, write former environment minister John Roberts and Christopher Jones of the Railway Association of Canada. “The challenge for the incoming Martin government,” they write, “is to look for ways to arrest these trends, so that the transportation of both passengers and freight may be put back on a genuinely sustainable footing.” They offer an eight-point action plan. "Memo to the prime minister: building our country, and shaping Canada's role in the world" by Richard L. George and Thomas P. d'Aquino The new prime minister takes office with an historic opportunity for building a better Canada and shaping its role in the world, write the chairman and president of the Canadian Council of Chief Executives, the nation’s foremost business association, comprised of the CEOs of the 150 largest companies in the country. Richard George and Thomas d’Aquino suggest a three-point agenda for success. First, build on the strong economic foundation of fiscal policy established by Paul Martin as finance minister — eliminating the deficit and paying down debt have freed up billions of dollars for social programs, while tax cuts have stimulated economic growth. Second, Canada needs to develop a comprehensive strategy for North American economic integration in light of continental security in the post- 9/11 context. Third, as one of the world’s foremost trading nations, Canada can assert global leadership in building a multilateral world, provided we meet our obligations in defence and development. "Paul Martin's choice - nationbuilder or CEO" by Buzz Hargrove Paul Martin famously balanced Canada’s books in the 1990s. Slaying the deficit dragon became the foundation of his credibility and bolstered his claims to be prime minister. But balancing the books doesn’t constitute nation-building, says Buzz Hargrove of the Canadian Auto Workers. He asks whether Martin can turn his demonstrated leadership skills to proposing “a national project,” addressing social and economic issues that “could be resolved by a focused national effort of the sort that vanquished the deficit. But in conducting Canada-US relations, Hargrove advises Martin to eschew any “big idea” or “grand bargain” between the two countries. Americans, he writes, “would appreciate a pragmatic, incremental approach to resolving outstanding issues.” Martin must also take a hard look at Canada’s economic infrastructure, and the deteriorating position of key industries such as the automotive sector, and a renewed reliance on energy exports that risk making Canada, once again, a hewer of wood and drawer of water. "Governing from the centre: reconceptualizing the role of the PM and Cabinet" by Paul G. Thomas As Paul Martin becomes prime minister and makes his cabinet choices, he is also deciding how the government will operate at the centre. For all his talk of addressing “the democratic deficit” and enhancing the importance of Parliament, the real power to decide still lies with the PM, the Cabinet and the central agencies of government, notably the Prime Minister’s Office, Privy Council Office and Department of Finance. How Martin “reconceptualizes” government at the centre will be one of the most interesting and important tests of his capacity to govern. “The prime minister works in a number of different worlds,” writes University of Manitoba’s Paul Thomas, from the trusted inner circle he sees every day, “to the everyday world of national politics which involves the media, powerful interest groups, provincial governments…and the shrinking, interdependent world of bilateral relations (with the US) and international relations with other countries and institutions.” Welcome to your new life, Mr. Martin. "Will the prime minister displace the finance minister? Paul Martin's social policy for a 'new era'" by Jane Jenson Many of the social policy challenges that the new prime minister will have to overcome are of his own making: the emphasis on labour market participation and on children, a preference to use the tax system as the delivery mechanism, which limits the federal government’s role to providing income transfers and has largely constrained its influence over policy, and a poisoned intergovernmental atmosphere. Martin has promised to improve intergovernmental relations, but that won’t be enough, argues Jane Jenson, one of Canada’s leading social policy experts. In order to ensure that all Canadians can fully participate in the mainstream, the Martin government will have to take on a new role that will rely on neither conditionality nor unilateralism, but will instead provide leadership. It will also have to expand intergovernmental relations to include municipalities, and adopt a true social vision that “does more than alleviate poverty.” "Aboriginal policy - time to rethink" by John Richards Over the past thirty or so years, Ottawa’s policy toward Aboriginals has been shaped by the idea that Aboriginal people are nations and that our relations with them should be based on treaties. John Richards argues that despite some progress and large sums of money, Aboriginals’ socio-economic situation remains desperately worrying, “the most serious social scar on Canadian society,” and that the exaggerated stress on “otherness” at the heart of the current policy is partly responsible for the slow pace of progress. Paul Martin, he says, should undertake to rethink the premises upon which Canada’s Aboriginal policy now stands. To help in this process, Richards explores the policy implications of Alan Cairns’ “citizensplus” thesis, notably in terms of identifying what services should be delivered through a common Canadian citizenship regime or through the specific Aboriginal “plus” band councils. "Better relations with provinces, US, among top public concerns as Martin takes PM's office" by Andrew Parkin As Paul Martin takes office as prime minister on December 12, he has aligned himself with the mood of Canadians for improved federal-provincial relations. His first act as Liberal leader was to meet the provincial premiers at the Grey Cup in Regina, where all but Alberta’s Ralph Klein signed on to a Health Council with accountability of funding for health care, which remains the top concern of Canadians. There is also strong support for the argument that a “fiscal imbalance” exists between Ottawa’s surplus position and the provinces returning to deficits. After the cleavage of the Iraq War, the country also approves of improved relations with the United States, another of Martin’s top priorities. However, by a huge majority, Canadians would favour participating in a multinational force in postwar Iraq only under the auspices of the United Nations. "Martin - neither JFK nor Gorbachev" by William Watson [summary not available] "Thoughts on a united Right" by Joseph Heath [summary not available] Book Excerpt: Breaking the Bargain: Public Servants, Ministers, and Parliament by Donald J. Savoie MPs are elected in a bottom-up democratic process, vote-by-vote. But government is a top-down process, policy-by-policy, shaped by mandarins, determined by Cabinet, ultimately decided by the prime minister, and only nominally adopted by Parliament. Paul Martin has made much of the democratic deficit facing MPs on Parliament Hill, but as he becomes prime minister his own role will change, from one who proposes to one who decides. In this excerpt from his new book, Breaking the Bargain, Donald J. Savoie, one of Canada’s pre-eminent scholars on politics and government, examines the universe that Martin is inheriting and the roles and relations between parliamentarians, ministers and public servants. C.E.S. Franks reviews Breaking the Bargain: Public Servants, Ministers, and Parliament by Donald J. Savoie [summary not available] Raymond Heard reviews Juggernaut: Paul Martin's Campaign for Chrétien's Crown by Susan Delacourt and Paul Martin: The Power of Ambition by John Gray [summary not available] James Ferrabee reviews The Player: The Life and Times of Dalton Camp by Geoffrey Stevens [summary not available] Leigh Turner reviews Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order by Robert Kagan [summary not available] |
